EURASIA INSIGHT
Roger N McDermott
9/05/03
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China is trying to raise its profile in
Central Asian security matters, and Russia wants
to discourage Uzbekistan from strengthening
security ties with the United States. In seeking
to achieve these policy aims, China and Russia
hope the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
proves to be a key mechanism. Recent
anti-terrorist exercises marked a significant
step in the ongoing effort to turn the
organization into a major regional player.
SCO foreign ministers held security talks in
the Uzbek capital of Tashkent on September 5.
Member states � including China, Russia,
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and
Uzbekistan � have struggled to develop an
organizational infrastructure since the group’s
formal founding in 2001. [For background see the Eurasia
Insight archive]. They now hope that an SCO
secretariat, to be based in Beijing, along with
a Tashkent anti-terrorism center, will be
operational by early 2004.
Military maneuvers in August generated hope
among SCO adherents. The exercises, which
focused on combating terrorists and separatists,
were the first of its kind staged by SCO forces.
Officials of some member states � especially
China and Russia � believe the maneuvers can
build the SCO’s credibility as a security
alternative to the US military presence in
Central Asia. [For background see the Eurasia
Insight archive].
The maneuvers � dubbed Cooperation 2003 --
were conducted in two stages. The first, held
August 6 in eastern Kazakhstan, involved every
member state except Uzbekistan, and was designed
to improve the joint command and control
structure and address other inter-operability
issues. Such exercises are vital to enhance the
SCO’s capabilities, in part because China’s
military establishment has little experience in
coordinating operations with other nations’
armed forces. The exercises also included a mock
operation to free passengers from a hijacked
commercial airliner. The second stage, held
later in China, involved an operation to uproot
separatist fighters who, under a hypothetical
scenario, had infiltrated the region.
SCO military leaders were generally
optimistic about the results. Mukhtar
Altynbayev, Kazakhstan’s defense minister,
suggested member states remained keen to further
develop capabilities, indicating a preference
for holding joint military maneuvers twice a
year.
Gen. Li Qianyuan, commander of the Xinjiang
Military District in China, said many
operational compatibility issues had been
resolved during Cooperation 2003. Li, however,
admitted that SCO states needed to work more on
harmonizing combat tactics. Holding frequent
maneuvers would go along way towards breaking
down existing barriers among the military
cultures of SCO states, he stressed.
On a regional level, member states hope the
SCO can help contain growing security threats,
particularly Islamic radicalism and separatist
sentiment. [For background see the Eurasia
Insight archive]. Critics have said the
emphasis on anti-terrorism is a cover, designed
to help regional governments repress individual
liberties and frustrate political opposition.
A larger geopolitical aim for some SCO states
is to develop the organization’s capabilities to
the point that it can counteract US
unilateralism. China does little to conceal its
desire for the SCO to render the US strategic
presence in Central Asia � including military
bases in Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan � redundant.
[For additional information see the
Eurasia Insight archive]. Chinese leaders
are wary that the American bases can potentially
facilitate Beijing’s geopolitical encirclement.
To avoid this, China is pressing to increase its
influence over Central Asian states.
Zhao Huashen, a Chinese political scientist
who specializes in Central Asian developments,
articulated the Chinese view in a recent article
in the Kazakhstani journal Analytic. In the
article, Zhao suggested the United States now
enjoys a dangerous level of influence over
Central Asian states. He went on to express
concern over Washington’s ability to compel
continued support for US policy goals. "The
United States can influence Central Asian
foreign policy when it needs to," Zhao said. The
article amounted to a thinly veiled warning to
Central Asian leaders to diversify their
security options and thereby dilute American
power.
Kazakhstan, which has promoted a so-called
multi-vectored approach to security policy, is
perhaps the Central Asian state most open to the
Chinese message. Uzbekistan, on the other hand,
remains the most elusive -- technically a SCO
member, but remaining aloof. Indeed, Uzbekistan
is the Central Asian state with the closest
strategic relationship with the United States.
[For background see the Eurasia
Insight archive].
Both China and Russia have increased efforts
in recent months to dissuade Tashkent from
further expanding US ties. Tellingly, the
long-planned opening of the Regional
Anti-Terrorist Center in Bishkek has been
scrapped. On September 4, Russian Foreign
Ministry spokesman Aleksander Yakovenko
confirmed plans that the ATC headquarters would
be relocated to Tashkent, Uzbekistan’s capital,
opening as early as January. President Islam
Karimov, though opposed on principle to the
creation of military blocs in Central Asia, may
yet decide that Uzbekistan can enhance security
by working with a flexible SCO.
The struggle for Uzbekistan’s allegiance
appears set to continue. NATO Secretary-General
Lord Robertson is scheduled to visit Tashkent
later this month, and will likely convey to
Karimov a need to maintain Uzbekistan’s
commitment to Western security structures.
Likewise, it remains to be seen whether the SCO
can surmount the long-standing logistical
challenges and make the goal of establishing an
organizational secretariat a reality.
Editor�s Note: Roger N. McDermott is a
Political Consultant at the Scottish Center for
International Security of the University of
Aberdeen. Rashid Dyusembayev contributed
reporting to this article.
Posted September 5, 2003 � Eurasianet
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